The recent actions of the Trump administration, including trade tariffs and inflammatory rhetoric, have fuelled a debate about national sovereignty and the reliability of long-standing alliances.
The latest developments in this regard relate to the global aero-defence industry, in which the Colombian President Gustavo Petro has announced plans that the Fuerza Aeroespacial Colombiana, the nation’s air force, will acquire Saab Gripen E/F fighter jets from Sweden to replace its aging fleet of Israeli-made IAI Kfir aircraft.
Meanwhile, the Canadian government’s review of the US-made F-35 purchase, coupled with ongoing discussions about possible participation in the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), may shape Canada’s defence strategy for years to come. The UK government has signalled its openness to future collaboration with Canada on the GCAP, the international multilateral effort to develop a next-generation fighter jet by 2035.
Canada’s fighter jet procurement strategy is undergoing a significant reassessment, this has led to a review of Canada’s $19 billion deal for 88 F-35 fighter jets and a renewed interest in exploring alternatives, in view of Trump’s anti-Canada utterances.
One potential alternative is the GCAP, a collaboration between the UK, Japan, and Italy to develop a sixth-generation fighter jet by 2035. While Canada is not currently a partner, the UK has indicated openness to Canadian participation, citing Canada’s strong defence ties with the UK and Five Eyes intelligence alliance membership.
The Canadian government’s review of the US-made F-35 purchase, coupled with ongoing discussions about possible participation in the GCAP, may shape Canada’s defence strategy for years to come
This offers Canada a chance to diversify its defence partnerships and potentially reduce its reliance on the US. The F-35s already ordered by Canada would offer a degree of interoperability with GCAP partners, further strengthening the case for participation.
Meanwhile, in Australia, the Trump administration’s imposition of a 25% tariff on steel and aluminium imports – reversing prior exemptions – introduced uncertainty into the US-Australia trade relationship and raised concerns about the durability of long-standing economic agreements.
In parallel, former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull convened a security policy forum in 2025 that questioned the reliability of the US-Australia alliance and suggested that Australia reconsider its strategic alignment with the United States. Within this context, the Royal Australian Air Force began evaluating future air combat requirements, including potential alternatives to the F-35A and the exploration of next-generation air systems and uncrewed collaborative aircraft.
The possibility of Canada’s participation in GCAP was raised by David Chadwick, a British Liberal Democrat MP for Brecon, Radnor, and Cwm Tawe, in a written parliamentary inquiry dated March 25, 2025.
The UK decision signals a potential pathway for Canadian involvement in GCAP. Additionally, Canada’s recent procurement of the F-35A aligns its fleet with those of the GCAP nations, all of which operate or plan to operate the same aircraft
Chadwick asked whether the UK Ministry of Defence had considered inviting Canada to join GCAP. On April 1, 2025, British Defence Minister Maria Eagle responded that while Canada is not a formal participant, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Italy remain open to cooperation with additional countries, provided that such collaboration does not delay the program schedule and contributes to the development of future military capabilities.
This signals a potential pathway for Canadian involvement. Additionally, Canada’s recent procurement of the F-35A aligns its fleet with those of the GCAP nations, all of which operate or plan to operate the same aircraft.
GCAP is a trilateral initiative between the United Kingdom, Japan, and Italy to develop a sixth-generation combat aircraft, combining stealth, advanced sensors, artificial intelligence, and next-gen weapons systems.
The programme will succeed the Eurofighter Typhoon and Japan’s F-2 fleet, and has been presented as a flagship example of defence industrial cooperation across continents.
The collaboration aims to create a technologically advanced combat system featuring artificial intelligence, manned-unmanned teaming, and integrated sensors, with a demonstrator aircraft expected to fly by 2027.
The programme is coordinated by the GCAP International Government Organisation (GIGO), headquartered in the UK, and will be jointly developed by BAE Systems, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, and Leonardo S.p.A., alongside a wide network of over 1,000 suppliers.
The development of GCAP represents a strategic and industrial alignment among the three partner nations, addressing national security needs while fostering innovation across aerospace sectors.
The Colombian announcement, marks a pivotal shift for Colombia as it seeks to bolster its aerial capabilities amid regional tensions and domestic security challenges. While specifics such as the number of units and the total cost remain undisclosed, the decision signals a departure from decades of reliance on older technology and opens a new chapter in Colombia’s defence strategy
The United Kingdom and Italy previously developed the Tempest concept, exploring advanced features such as directed-energy weapons, augmented reality cockpits, and biometric monitoring.
Meanwhile, Japan pursued its own advanced fighter capabilities through the F-X and experimental X-2 Shinshin projects, particularly following the US decision to block F-22 exports.
The convergence of these efforts was driven by shared requirements, cost-efficiency objectives, and a mutual interest in preserving domestic defence industries. GCAP also allows for potential exports, prompting Japan to revise strict arms transfer rules to accommodate international sales in line with UK and Italian policies.
Meanwhile, the Colombian announcement, made via social media, marks a pivotal shift for Colombia as it seeks to bolster its aerial capabilities amid regional tensions and domestic security challenges. While specifics such as the number of units and the total cost remain undisclosed, the decision signals a departure from decades of reliance on older technology and opens a new chapter in Colombia’s defence strategy.
The choice of Gripen, a modern multirole fighter, over competing options like the American F-16 or the French Rafale, has sparked curiosity about the geopolitical and operational implications for this South American nation.
For years, Colombia has grappled with the limitations of its Kfir fleet, which entered service in the late 1980s and has since become increasingly costly to maintain.
The decision to transition to the Gripen E/F comes after prolonged deliberation, with Bogotá weighing offers from multiple global manufacturers. This acquisition is not just about replacing outdated hardware; it reflects a broader ambition to enhance Colombia’s sovereignty in a region marked by instability, particularly with neighbouring Venezuela, which operates Russian-built Su-30MKV jets.
The choice of Gripen, a modern multirole fighter, over competing options like the American F-16 or the French Rafale, has sparked curiosity about the geopolitical and operational implications for this South American nation
To understand the significance of this choice, it is worth delving into what the Saab Gripen E/F brings to the table. Developed by Swedish aerospace company Saab AB, the Gripen is a single-engine, multirole fighter designed for versatility, cost-efficiency, and adaptability.
The E/F variant, the latest iteration, boasts a top speed of Mach 2—approximately 1,500 miles per hour—and a combat radius exceeding 800 miles without refuelling. Its General Electric F414 engine, an American-made component, delivers 22,000 pounds of thrust, enabling rapid response and sustained operations.
The aircraft’s standout feature is its active electronically scanned array radar, known as AESA, which provides superior detection and tracking capabilities over vast distances, even against stealthy targets.
Coupled with advanced electronic warfare systems, the Gripen can jam enemy sensors and protect itself in contested airspace. It carries a diverse payload, including air-to-air missiles like the Meteor and air-to-ground munitions such as precision-guided bombs, making it a flexible tool for both defence and offense.
Unlike heavier fighters like the American F-35 or Russia’s Su-35, the Gripen is lightweight, tipping the scales at around 17,600 pounds empty, which contributes to its low operational costs—estimated at roughly $4,000 per flight hour compared to the F-35’s $44,000.
This affordability is a key selling point for nations like Colombia, where budget constraints often dictate military planning. The aircraft’s design also allows it to operate from short, rugged airstrips, a critical advantage in Colombia’s diverse terrain of jungles, mountains, and remote border regions.
Realistically, both the above cases present a choice to India, as it deliberates choosing between the American F-35 and Russian Su-57, while it develops its own Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA).
The Colombian decision gives choice to the Indian planners to go ahead as a GCAP Observer, integrating lessons learnt in the AMCA programme, but in the meanwhile to guard its frontiers and regional air space during the intervening period, to rely on acquiring more drone and stealth drone power at a fraction of the cost, while the AMCA progresses towards delivery
India has been invited to participate in the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), allowing it to leverage the technological expertise of these nations while simultaneously accelerating the development of its own sixth-generation fighter.
Also, the Colombian decision gives choice to the Indian planners to go ahead as a GCAP Observer, integrating lessons learnt in the AMCA programme, but in the meanwhile to guard its frontiers and regional air space during the intervening period, rely on acquiring more drone and stealth drone power at a fraction of the cost, while the AMCA progresses towards delivery.
-The writer is a New Delhi-based senior commentator on international and strategic affairs, environmental issues, an interfaith practitioner, and a media consultant. The views expressed are personal and do not necessarily carry the views of Raksha Anirveda
