Keeping the Taliban at Arm’s Length

Taliban 2.0 is the same wine in a new bottle, any attempt to legitimize the regime is fraught with risks

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August 15, 2021, was a sombre moment in Afghan social history. It marked two important milestones-the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan after a two-decade long occupation of the country under the pretext of overthrowing Taliban rule and maintaining a semblance of liberty for ordinary Afghans and the second but most important – the return of the Taliban to power.

The two events were extremely consequential for millions of ordinary Afghans, especially those who were born during and after the American invasion of their country commencing in 2001 under Operation Enduring Freedom. Many of those new generations of Afghans had only heard about the diabolical nature of Taliban rule from their loved ones, but 2021 marked the first time when they would actually experience what it was to live under a terror group that emphasised on a strict interpretation of Sharia based on Deobandi Islam and would rule the country with an iron fist that resembled social conditions dating back to mediaeval times.

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Fast forward to 2024, it has become amply clear that they haven’t mend their ways, what in fact has changed is how they engage with the international community. They merely offer moral platitudes to international state and non-state actors about being a new and reformed organization, but have demonstrated nothing substantial to corroborate their claims.

Engaging with the Taliban regime, even a little, is fraught with risks. This clearly is evident from a recent incident. Late last month, the Taliban’s infamous Ministry of Vice and Virtue issued a 114-page, 35-article document highlighting the rules and regulations that would govern social conduct for both men and women.

No Country for Women

Engaging with the Taliban regime, even a little, is fraught with risks. This clearly is evident from a recent incident. Late last month, the Taliban’s infamous Ministry of Vice and Virtue issued a 114-page, 35-article document highlighting the rules and regulations that would govern social conduct for both men and women.

Some of the rules are downright inhuman; for instance, a woman must always be accompanied by a male guardian when they venture outside; the education of girls beyond Class 6 has been prohibited; and women have been banned from entering the workforce. Further, they have to be covered from head to toe in Islamic attire so as “not to excite sentiments of other men.” They cannot talk or allow their voices to be heard in public. Further, no celebration of the Prophet’s birthday and a blanket ban on all kinds of cultural and social events are some of the highlights of this document. This document has been approved by Hibatullah Akhundzada, the supreme leader of the Taliban, which clearly shows the ‘importance’ attached to this repulsive legislation.

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The first step the Taliban took when it came to power was to resurrect the infamous Vice and Virtue Ministry. These repressive social regulations are a reminder to the world what happens when they are naïve by attaching too much hope to a regime that is simply concerned with imposing their own worldview. A regime that doesn’t accord any respect to women certainly speaks volumes about how its perception is of women.

India, despite not overtly adhering to diplomatic recognition, has maintained minimum diplomatic contacts. Especially a technical team to oversee the delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance to ordinary Afghans who continue to suffer due to a tanking economy, withdrawal of foreign aid and humanitarian assistance.

Potent Security Threat

Another key concern attached to dealing with the regime in Afghanistan is the potent security threat they pose. There cannot be any debate regarding the nature and composition of the group. It is a terrorist organisation that is committed to Jihad. While its objective was to assert political control over the entirety of Afghanistan under Islamist cover, its overt support for Hamas and other Islamic terror groups across the world is a testimony to the threat they pose to global peace.

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Despite their animosity with ISIS, the Taliban openly supports Al-Qaeda and the Haqqani network. Al-Qaeda, despite being a pale shadow of its former self, still poses a global threat; its leader, Hamza Bin Laden, who was presumed dead is still alive and is actively plotting attacks against the West. It would be a fatal mistake on the part of security and law enforcement agencies in India to underestimate the threat perception posed by Al-Qaeda.

It is high time the world pays its attention to the plight of the sordid conditions the ordinary Afghan populace is experiencing and find innovative solutions to help them without directly engaging with the Taliban.

Dealing openly with the Taliban runs the risk of compromising the national security of our country and legitimising their inhuman activities, especially towards women.

Notwithstanding the nature of the threat they pose, countries have started engaging them. China became the first country in the world to recognise this regime. India, despite not overtly adhering to diplomatic recognition, has maintained minimum diplomatic contacts. Especially a technical team to oversee the delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance to ordinary Afghans who continue to suffer due to a tanking economy, withdrawal of foreign aid and humanitarian assistance.

It appears that the world has turned its back on Afghanistan in general and Afghan women in particular. World seems to be obsessed with ongoing geopolitical events like the Ukraine-Russia war in Eastern Europe and the Israel-Hamas war in the Middle East. However, it is high time the world pays its attention to the plight of the sordid conditions the ordinary Afghan populace is experiencing and find innovative solutions to help them without directly engaging with the Taliban.

As the de-facto leader of South Asia, India has a special duty to the Afghan people; this, however, should be done without any kind of compromise deal with the Taliban.

–The writer is currently working as a Research Associate at Defence Research and Studies (dras.in) and is a columnist. The views expressed are personal and do not necessarily reflect the views of Raksha Anirveda

Pranay K Shome

–The writer is currently working as a Research Associate at Defence Research and Studies (dras.in) and is a columnist. The views expressed are personal and do not necessarily reflect the views of Raksha Anirveda

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