Balochistan has a history dating back to 7000 BCE. At that time, it marked the western-most extent of the pre-Indus Valley civilisation; and later, from the 1st millennium BCE to the 2nd millennium CE, the Gandhara civilisation.
The Brahui, a Dravidian speaking people, were the first to inhabit Balochistan. They and their language have endured across many millennia and Brahui is still spoken by 17.22% of the people, the other two main languages being Baloch (spoken by about 40% of the population) and Pashto (about 34%).
Centuries before the advent of Islam into this region, some parts of Balochistan were ruled by Indian Rajas and Dynasties; the Parata-Rajas, the Kushans and the Hindu Sewa Dynasty, to name a few. In fact, Queen Rani Sewi is still revered in the Sibi and Kalat Divisions of Balochistan and about 50,000 Hindus still reside in Balochistan today.
This is despite the brutal state-sponsored religious discrimination by the Pakistani central government-military combine, headquartered in faraway Islamabad. The locals of Balochistan have persevered in showing remarkable sympathy and affinity for the Hindus.
So much so that Baloch leaders – Khair Bux Marri, Ataullah Khan Mengal and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti to name a few – took the Hindus and their places of worship under their protection and saw to it that no harm came to them from the Punjabi settlers in Balochistan.
Centuries before the advent of Islam into this region, some parts of Balochistan were ruled by Indian Rajas and Dynasties; the Parata-Rajas, the Kushans and the Hindu Sewa Dynasty, to name a few. In fact, Queen Rani Sewi is still revered in the Sibi and Kalat Divisions of Balochistan and about 50,000 Hindus still reside in Balochistan today
The Indian Rajas and Dynasties were succeeded by the Kayanian dynasty during the reign of King Kay Khosrow of Iran. The Baloch people only came into the Balochistan area around the 14th century CE. Islam gained ground around 654 CE, when the Rashidun caliphate of Iran overran some of the major settlements.
The Central Role of Kalat in Baloch Affairs
The princely state of Kalat has been the hub-centre of most political developments in Balochistan. Tradition has it that Kalat was ruled by a Hindu ruler named Sewa prior to its conquest by Muslim kings.
In 1405, Ameer Meero Merwani, established the ‘Khanate’. Then, in the 17th century, the Mughal province of Kandahar established control over this region. The Khanate was at its peak during the rule of Mir Nasir Khan I (1749–94), who is revered in the Baloch tradition as “The Great Khan”.
This king is reported to have embarked on 25 military campaigns during his reign, conquered important cities such as Zahedan, Khash, Bampur and Qasr-e Qand (now a part of Eastern Iran), and done a remarkable job of unifying the tribal chiefs in the Kalat region.
Amongst his notable achievements are: the establishment of diplomatic relations with Ottoman Turkey, Iran, Sultanate of Oman, and Afghanistan; forcing the Talpur Dynasty of Sindh to pay tribute, creating a centralised bureaucracy for the first time, and issuing his own currency.
He is also credited with establishing the office of Grand Vizier to look after the affairs of the state, as well as a standing army. It was he, who in 1784, gave refuge to the future Sultan of Oman, Sultan bin Ahmad, and gifted him the port of Gwadar. Last, but not the least, he himself signed ‘The Treaty of Kalat’ in 1758 with Ahmad Shah Durrani, the Afghan King.
The Indian Rajas and Dynasties were succeeded by the Kayanian dynasty during the reign of King Kay Khosrow of Iran. The Baloch people only came into the Balochistan area around the 14th century CE. Islam gained ground around 654 CE, when the Rashidun caliphate of Iran overran some of the major settlements
Events Leading Up To Balochistan’s Independence
The last Khan of Kalat was Ahmad Yar Khan, governing from 1933 to 1955. In 1946, he appointed Muhammad Ali Jinnah as his legal advisor to represent his case before the British Crown, a move that would prove costly to him and his country.
With characteristic cunning, Jinnah manoeuvred to persuade the Khan to accede to Pakistan, but the Khan stalled for time so that he could reconcile the differences between his polity. His personal preference, as well as that of his brother, Prince Karim, was to remain independent but there was deep divide between the tribal leaders, who represented the will of the people; some of whom favoured a union with Pakistan while the majority favoured joining India.
At that time, Balochistan’s nominated parliament was dominated by pro-Congress/anti-Muslim League politicians of Kalat State National Party (KSNP) including Malik Saeed Khan Dehwar, Gul Khan Naseer, Alijah Ghous Bux Mengal, Ghous Bux Bizenjo, etc; all of whom voted against joining Pakistan.
By 1940, it emerged that the British viewed Kalat as an Indian state. The British authorities claimed that Ahmed Yar Khan demonstrated willingness to participate in Indian affairs as ruler of an Indian state, yet they could not find out a way to incorporate Balochistan into the Indian federation because of its geographical separation from India and also because, in their view, it lacked proper administrative and political institutions.
It is significant to note that on August 12, 1947, the Khan of Kalat Mir Ahmed Yar Khan promulgated a constitution and declared independence, to be effective from August 15, 1947, the same day as India attained its independence. So, Kalat actually became an independent state on August 15, 1947.
The events leading up to this declaration of independence are well documented. On August 4, 1947, a meeting was convened in Delhi, attended by Lord Mountbatten – India’s last viceroy, his legal counsel Lord Ismay, the Khan of Kalat, the Prime Minister of Kalat, Sutan Ahmed, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan and Jawaharlal Nehru.
The future of Balochistan was defined in the ‘Three Point Agreement’ signed by Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan on behalf of Pakistan and by Prime Minister Sultan Ahmed on behalf of the Khanate of Kalat.
In this meeting, Jinnah supported Khan of Kalat’s decision for independence. As a result, it was agreed that Kalat would be independent from August 5, 1947, and Kharan and Las Bela were instructed to merge with Kalat to form a complete Balochistan – on Jinnah’s insistence.
The last Khan of Kalat was Ahmad Yar Khan, governing from 1933 to 1955. In 1946, he appointed Muhammad Ali Jinnah as his legal advisor to represent his case before the British Crown, a move that would prove costly to him and his country
On August 11, 1947, a treaty was signed between Kalat and the Muslim League, recognising Kalat as an independent state, and promising that the Muslim League would respect Balochistan’s independence. On August 15, 1947, the same day India gained independence, Kalat also declared its independence. The traditional flag was hoisted, and a khutbah (Islamic sermon) was read in the name of the Khan of Kalat as an independent ruler.
Genesis of the Baloch Independence Movement
Jinnah betrayed the Balochs, offering inducements as well as threats to compel the provinces of Lasbela, Kharan, and Makran to break away from Kalat and accede to Pakistan.
The devious British aided and abetted him while the Indian leaders, lacking strategic foresight, continued to show a lack of interest in Balochistan. This left the Khan totally isolated even as the Muslim League increased pressure on him to join Pakistan.
At this precise juncture, Jinnah backtracked on the ‘Three Point Agreement’, and instead of respecting his signed commitment of August 1947 to the Khan’s independence, he started bringing immense political, legal, and military pressure on the Khan to merge with Pakistan.
With characteristic cunning, Jinnah manoeuvred to persuade the Khan to accede to Pakistan, but the Khan stalled for time so that he could reconcile the differences between his polity. His personal preference, as well as that of his brother, Prince Karim, was to remain independent but there was deep divide between the tribal leaders, who represented the will of the people; some of whom favoured a union with Pakistan while the majority favoured joining India
In response, the Khan of Kalat summoned his legislature’s meeting, at which both houses of its Parliament not only unanimously opposed the ‘merger with Pakistan’ proposal but also argued that it was against the spirit of the earlier agreement of 1947 as well as the Treaty of 1876.
However, after March 27, 1948, Pakistan – with British connivance, especially the denial of arms and ammunition to the Khan to defend his state from Pakistani military aggression – forcibly annexed Kalat by a combination of legal obfuscation, political stratagem, plain deceit, and aggressive actions.
The people of Balochistan viewed this as an ‘annexation’ through betrayal of their leaders, forceful deprivation of their autonomy and an infringement of their distinct cultural identity. It was at this juncture that the Baloch Independence Movement was born as many Baloch nationalists, with widespread support from their people, rose in defiance against this ‘annexation by deceit’.
In fact, in 1948 the Khan’s own brother, Prince Abdul Karim, led the armed struggle for independence. However, this was termed as an ’insurgency’ and brutally suppressed by the Pakistani army, Prince Karim was arrested and the voice of the people throttled. But their feelings could never be suppressed and even today the Baloch nationalists hold the staunch view that their independence was snatched away by Pakistan by force, deception, and subterfuge.
This uprising has kept resurfacing with vigour from time to time, especially in 1958, 1962, and the early 70s, but each time the Punjabi dominated Pakistani power centre has managed to suppress it with brute military force.
The exact circumstances of this annexation are unclear even today, with the Balochi and Pakistani narratives differing widely. Nonetheless, the Khanate came to an end on October 14, 1955, when the Balochistan States Union was dissolved, Kalat was incorporated into the ‘One Unit’ of West Pakistan, and Yar Khan ceased to rule.
Not to be outdone, Yar Khan declared himself Khan again in defiance of the Pakistani state in June 1958. On October 6, 1958, the Pakistani government arrested and imprisoned him on charges of sedition. His arrest triggered an insurgent uprising led by Nauroz Khan in 1959. The Genesis of the Balochistan Independence Movement lies in the folds of these murky events of 1948.
Jinnah betrayed the Balochs, offering inducements as well as threats to compel the provinces of Lasbela, Kharan, and Makran to break away from Kalat and accede to Pakistan. The devious British aided and abetted him while the Indian leaders, lacking strategic foresight, continued to show a lack of interest in Balochistan
Baloch Separatist Groups
About half a dozen separatist groups exist today in Balochistan, the front-runners being Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and Baloch Liberation Front (BLF). It needs to be underlined that even amongst them there are different nuances in ideology and aspirations.
Thus, while the BLA, currently led by Hyrbyair Marri actively seeks independence from Pakistan, targeting Pakistani military and government institutions, the BLF, currently led by Allah Nazar Baloch has been historically involved in the Baloch insurgency against the governments of both Pakistan and Iran.
Then there is the Balochistan People’s Liberation Front (BPLF) that seeks to define the borders of Balochistan to include Baloch dominated areas of Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. Last, though by no means the least, are the Jaish ul-Adl and Jundallah militant groups operating in Iranian Balochistan, who also advocate for Baloch independence and have been involved in attacks against Iranian forces. These are the bigger, more powerful groups.
Not to be missed are a host of other, smaller, groups such as the Lashkar-e-Balochistan, United Baloch Army (BA), currently led by Mehran Marri, Baloch Raaji Ajoi Sangar (BRAS), Baloch Republican Army (BRA) currently led by Brahumdagh Bugti, and the Jhalawan Baloch Tigers (JBT).
Dynamics between these groups involve mergers and breakaways, even internecine fighting, as well as forming alliances with Pakistan’s other neighbouring separatist groups such as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Party (TTP, currently led by Noor Wali Mehsud in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa), the Sindhudesh Liberation Army (SLA) in Sindh, currently led by Darya Khan and the Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz (JSMM), currently led by Shafi Muhammad Burfat.
Tribal loyalties remain the strongest bonds between the people and their leaders, which explains why these regions have never remained united for long, but what sets the Baloch groups apart is that all of them, without exception, are unequivocally agreed on one thing – independence from Pakistan.
To counter the slipping away of Balochistan from its fold, the political-military clique in Islamabad has now embarked on a desperate policy; to sell-off Balochistan’s undiscovered and undeveloped mineral assets to the US and other foreign companies, offering these nations the lure of natural resources in exchange for getting directly involved in throttling the Balochistan Independence Movement
Current Status and Prognosis for the Future
In May 2025, with the launch of ‘Operation Sindoor’ by India against Pakistani terrorist centres, the Baloch Independence Movement seems to have found renewed energy and hope as its leaders around the world, working in unison, proclaimed that they were ready to form a ‘Government in Exile’ and requested Prime Minister Modi to allocate space in New Delhi for it to start functioning.
They have also written letters to the US President Donald Trump and the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, asking him to recognise the independence of the “Democratic Republic of Balochistan”.
If such a ‘Government in Exile’ is indeed formed in the near future, it is very likely that it would include prominent Baloch leaders such as Dr Tara Chand, President, Baloch American Congress, a former Cabinet Minister in the erstwhile Government of Balochistan; Razzak Baloch, Deputy Organiser of the Baloch American Congress; Zafar Baloch in Canada, Hyrbyair Marri and Mir Yar Baloch in Pakistan.
The stage has now come when several pro-military politicians in Pakistan openly admit that Pakistan’s grip on Balochistan has weakened, and that the Baloch people are actively supporting the independence movement and Baloch fighters.
Pakistan’s Member of Parliament Zarfullah Zehri, speaking on the floor of the house, has expressed grave concerns over the strengthening of the movement, as witnessed by the daring hijacking of the Mir Jaffar Express in Balochistan.
At a recent session of the Pakistani National Assembly, Pakistan MP Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman admitted that Pakistan has lost control of Balochistan, stating that a moment like that of 1971, when East and West Pakistan fought in the Bangladesh Liberation War, which led to the creation of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, has arrived again.
He said, “I swear by my heart that, at this moment there are five to seven groups in Balochistan who, if they retaliate, will be granted independence and the country will break once again.”
While this is an indirect admission of the ineptness and failure of the Pakistani government to control the breakaway republic, it adds a dangerous new element-that of superpower involvement-in the sub-continent, opening-up the possibility of bringing China in direct confrontation with America on Balochi soil
To counter the slipping away of Balochistan from its fold, the political-military clique in Islamabad has now embarked on a desperate policy; to sell-off Balochistan’s undiscovered and undeveloped mineral assets to the US and other foreign companies, offering these nations the lure of natural resources in exchange for getting directly involved in throttling the Balochistan Independence Movement.
While this is an indirect admission of the ineptness and failure of the Pakistani government to control the breakaway republic, it adds a dangerous new element-that of superpower involvement-in the sub-continent, opening-up the possibility of bringing China in direct confrontation with America on Balochi soil.
It is still too early to say whether this possibility actually manifests or not, but if it does the way Iran, Afghanistan and India play their cards in this region – which has never been conquered or controlled by any foreign power till date – may well decide the future of the Balochistan Independence Movement.
The writer, a soldier-scholar of global eminence, has a PhD in Defence and Strategic Studies. He has also authored ‘Disaster Management: Optimising Military Response’. A member of many think-tanks, he is widely acknowledged as a thought leader and strategist analyst
