Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his bilateral press meeting with the Sultan of Darrusalem made a crucial point. He advocated how India stands for development and not expansionism. He also called on countries to ensure freedom of navigation and overflight. While it seems to be a routine remark made by one of the most powerful leaders in the world during a routine bilateral visit, a deeper analysis reveals the significance of the comment from an Indian and global strategic perspective.
The remark was clearly veiled at China, the world’s second-largest economy, which has a long and archaic history of territorial disputes with its neighbours, not just continental but also maritime. China is the personification of the archetype playground bully who is keen to pick up fights with smaller opponents and revels in the schadenfreude vis-à-vis its opponents.
With regard to that, China claims the strategic South China Sea in its entirety. Therefore, it is necessary to deconstruct the nature of Chinese irredentism and how PM Modi’s comments are a reaffirmation of territorial sovereignty.
The Jewel Crown
The South China Sea, a waterbody that is shaped like the tongue of a cow, is one of the world’s busiest and most important maritime bodies. It is crucial not just from the strategic but also from the economic point of view. Robert Kaplan, a geo-strategist in his book Asia’s Cauldron, has written candidly about the cruciality of the strategic waterbody.
Goods worth nearly $3 billion are transported via the South China Sea daily. Strategically, this waterbody is one of the vital waterways that can serve as a chokepoint should the navy of a potent country decide to complicate matters for its adversaries.
Every day, close to $3 billion worth of goods are transported via the strategic waterbody. It accounts for nearly 90 per cent of Japan, Vietnam, Indonesia and other South-East countries’ crude oil imports. From the Indian perspective, close to 70 per cent of trade by value and 95 per cent of trade by volume straddles through the Indo-Pacific, out of which the South China Sea region accounts for a substantial portion. Hence, it clearly exemplifies the fact that the South China Sea is the crown jewel of the Indo-Pacific region.
India also sources critical minerals, fishery and other commodities from the seabed of the South China Sea region. Seen from the strategic point of view, the South China Sea is one of the vital waterways that can serve as a chokepoint should the navy of a potent country decide to complicate matters for its adversaries.
Chinese Aggression
China claims the South China Sea entirely. It is a blatant display of Chinese cartographic aggression. China’s claim centres mainly around the Paracel and Spratly Islands which has seen immense Chinese activity over the past decade. Not only has China built artificial islands but has militarised them.
China’s wolf warrior diplomacy has been another dimension of the Chinese aggression matrix. Chinese diplomats have taken it upon themselves, with the blessings of the top leadership, to aggressively pitch the Chinese claims in the South China Sea.
This has triggered disputes with China’s neighbours, and matters have gotten extremely serious with the Philippines. The Philippines has been at the receiving end of Chinese aggression. Cases involving the sinking of Filippino sea vessels, violation of the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, and clashes between the Chinese and Filippino coastguard have become a matter of daily occurrence.
Chinese wolf warrior diplomacy has been another dimension of the Chinese aggression matrix. Chinese diplomats have taken it upon themselves, with the blessings of the top leadership to aggressively pitch Chinese claims as far as Chinese demands in the South China Sea are concerned. The BRI or Belt & Road Initiative is a manifestation of the Chinese strategic mindset. It is a medium to trap countries into a vicious cycle of debt, the trap being so deep that countries find it problematic to wriggle out of the labyrinth, resulting in compromising their core territorial and economic sovereignty to the Chinese overlord and in this context, in the South China Sea region. Indonesia and Vietnam are the best examples.
India is poised to play a significant role in the South China Sea, the crown jewel of the Indo-Pacific region. Formulating a Quad-like grouping in which India plays a crucial role as a net security provider under the umbrella of Mission SAGAR can be a viable option.
Time for India to Play a Bigger Role
PM Modi’s remark asserting the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea underscores the need for New Delhi to play a more proactive role. This began with PM Modi underlining the need to uphold the sanctity of the UNCLOS or United Nations Convention on the Law of Seas, 1982, which governs the territoriality of global sea bodies.
PM Modi highlighted how India has never been an expansionist power and has always emphasised the importance of global peace and security. In this context, India must forge greater connections with South East and East Asian countries to deter Chinese aggression. Formulating a Quad-like grouping with the countries of South East and East Asia with an active naval dimension wherein India will play a crucial role as a net security provider under the umbrella of Mission SAGAR can be a viable option.
The focus of the grouping must be exclusively on asserting freedom of navigation in this strategic waterway, to be done with the intention of promoting operability among the navies of the littoral countries. Such a grouping must be institutionalised by upgrading its outreach at the level of 2+2 format, involving the foreign and defence ministers of the concerned countries.
It is clear that India is poised to play a far more important role in the South China Sea. New Delhi must seize the opportunity.
–The writer is currently working as a Research Associate at Defence Research and Studies (dras.in) and is a columnist. The views expressed are personal and do not necessarily reflect the views of Raksha Anirveda
–The writer is currently working as a Research Associate at Defence Research and Studies (dras.in) and is a columnist. The views expressed are personal and do not necessarily reflect the views of Raksha Anirveda
