Diplomacy is the art of implementing foreign policy. It is often equated with words like ‘statecraft’ and is the instrument for nations to engage on mutual issues of cooperation and sometimes to resolve prickly issues. It is often said that wars happen only when diplomacy fails, thereby emphasising the critical role of diplomacy in international relations. India is no stranger to the concept of diplomacy and has had a rich history on it. Kautilya’s Arthshastra is among the premier guidebooks on statecraft and diplomacy. The epic Mahabharata is replete with tales of success and failure of diplomacy, most famous among them being the efforts undertaken by Lord Krishna when he approaches the Kauravas with repeated offers to prevent war, which they refused, leading to the epic war of Mahabharata.
In modern times too, diplomacy has played a huge role in global politics. If there was no war between the US and the Soviet Union in the Cold War era of the 20th Century, diplomats and their untiring efforts have to be recognised and appreciated for that.
Defence Diplomacy
When it comes to ‘Defence or Military Diplomacy’, it adds another unique dimension to diplomacy and foreign policy. The term is drawn from two words, which somehow run counter to each other. While ‘defence or military’ is usually associated with the exercise of hard power, ‘diplomacy’ is associated with the exercise of soft power. However, when combined, the term ‘defence diplomacy’ is a very effective tool in propagating and securing a country’s national and security interests, often within a framework of cooperation and mutual convergence of interests. In India’s case, defence diplomacy has become a very effective tool for outreach and securing national interests, especially in its neighbourhood and extended neighbourhood.
India and West Asia
The West Asian region, considered India’s extended neighbourhood, is one such success story. Both India and West Asia have a shared heritage and strong civilisational links. For centuries, both civilisations have interacted and interfaced with each other effortlessly. The Arabian Sea, which links the shores of the two regions, has served as a bridge across which people have travelled, traded and discovered common heritage leading to a rich exchange of ideas, beliefs, customs and language.
In the 21st Century, as India grows into a global power, West Asia forms a vital part of its strategic outlook and is therefore crucial to our national interests. The region supplies 50 per cent of India’s crude oil requirements, over 70 per cent of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) requirements, hosts about 8.5 million Indians and accounts for 60 per cent of remittances received in India annually. Instability in the region has a direct bearing not only on the energy security of India but also on the safety and security of millions of Indians working in the region.
Recognising the importance of the region, India has intensified its engagement with the region. As a result, over the past decade, there has been an unprecedented boost in political and economic engagement with the region and the traditional buyer-seller relationship (basically focused on energy imports) has been transformed into a strong strategic engagement. During this process, strategic partnership agreements have been signed with the UAE in 2015, Saudi Arabia in 2019 and Egypt in 2023, adding to a similar partnership signed with Oman in 2008.
Within these strategic partnerships, one important field of cooperation is defence and security. Over the years, several military cooperation agreements have been signed, the interaction between the armed forces has intensified, intelligence-sharing mechanisms have evolved and even the manufacture and export of weapon platforms and other military equipment is taking shape. However, unlike political and economic engagement, the security collaboration has been late to take off because of various reasons, primary among them perhaps was the factor that till a few years back, India itself was a major importer of military equipment and technology, and therefore, there was hardly any scope for India to offer its technology or equipment outside. All this, however, changed quite rapidly, with the government now focusing on major manufacturing initiatives and technology innovations for the armed forces within the county, in an attempt towards self-sufficiency or ‘Aatmanirbharta’ in defence. As a result, major initiatives have been taken to collaborate closely with the region, especially on defence and security.
Oman
In this region, Oman has been India’s longest-standing partner in defence and security. An agreement on defence cooperation was signed between the two in December 2005. Oman is also the only country in the region with which India conducts regular biennial bilateral military exercises with all three services – with the Army (since 2015), the Navy (since 1993) and the Air Force (since 2009). There is also regular interaction between the two navies with the Indian Naval Ships often visiting ports of Muscat and Salah for Operational Turn Around and goodwill visits. During the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Oman in February 2018, India and Oman signed an agreement for the provision of logistical facilities to the Indian Navy in the Duqm port. Duqm is strategically located across the Indian coastline, overlooks the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea and is also close to the Chabahar Port in Iran, offering a critical advantage to the Indian Navy in its operations in the region. It also helps to keep a watch on the growing Chinese naval activity in the region. Oman was also the first Gulf country to purchase the Indian Small Arms System (INSAS) assault rifles in 2010.
The UAE
Defence diplomacy with the UAE was late in taking off despite a defence cooperation agreement of 2003. After India and the UAE decided to elevate the bilateral relationship to a ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’ during Modi’s visit to the UAE in August 2015, the engagement on defence and security began in the right earnest. Both sides now conduct a regular security dialogue and work closely on counter-terrorism, maritime security, and cyber-security. Both sides also agreed to enhance cooperation in training, and joint exercises, as well as identify options for the production of defence equipment in India. As a result, India and the UAE held the first Joint Navy Exercises ‘Gulf Star 1’ in Abu Dhabi in March 2018, and in March 2021, an Indian Air Force (IAF) contingent participated for the first time in Exercise Desert Flag –VI, an annual multilateral large force employment exercise, hosted by the UAE. There is also outreach in terms of military equipment wherein the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) signed a contract with the UAE on 23 March 2017 for the supply of 40,000 rounds of 155 mm shells, followed by another 50,000 rounds in 2018. There have been some reports in the media on the UAE expressing interest in the purchase of Helina, Nag and BrahMos missiles from India too.
India has intensified its engagement with the West Asian region, which supplies 50% of India’s crude oil require-ments, over 70% of Liquefied Natural Gas require-ments, hosts about 8.5 million Indians and accounts for 60% of remittances received in India annually
Saudi Arabia
With Saudi Arabia too, there is an increased focus on defence and security cooperation. A defence cooperation agreement was signed during the visit of the then Crown Prince and Defence Minister Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud to India on 27 February 2014. As a part of defence diplomacy, Chief of the Army Staff General M M Naravane visited Saudi Arabia in December 2020, the first time that an Indian Army Chief had visited Saudi Arabia. It was later followed by a visit to Delhi by General Fahd Bin Abdullah Mohammed Al-Mutair, Commander of the Royal Saudi Land Forces, again the first-ever visit by a serving Royal Saudi Land Forces Commander. India is also seeking Saudi Arabia as a partner under its ‘Make in India’ initiative in the field of defence production. Saudi Arabia has also reportedly shown interest in the BrahMos missile system.
Egypt
Egypt is another country with which India has enjoyed close defence relations. Ties with Egypt have received a fillip since 2014 when Prime Minister Modi and President Sisi came to power in their respective countries. During India’s Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s official visit to Egypt in September 2022, the two countries signed a defence cooperation agreement. With Egypt looking to modernise its armed forces, Egypt could emerge as a lucrative market for Indian defence products, joint defence manufacturing and co-production units. Egypt is also one of the six countries interested in India’s Tejas aircraft. Egypt has also reportedly shown interest in buying BrahMos missiles.
Oman has been India’s longest-standing partner in defence and security. An agreement on defence cooperation was signed between the two in December 2005. Oman is also the only country in the region with which India conducts regular biennial bilateral military exercises
Others nations
With Qatar, there has been a defence cooperation agreement since November 2008. Qatar has shown interest in the opportunities under the ‘Make in India’ initiative for joint production of defence equipment in India. Both nations are also keen to enhance cooperation in maritime security in the Gulf and the Indian Ocean region. With Bahrain, Yemen, Iraq and Kuwait, there are no formal defence and security agreements in place. There are ongoing discussions with Kuwait and Bahrain towards formalising defence cooperation in the future. With Iran, although India signed a defence cooperation agreement in 2001, it has not progressed much mainly due to the Western sanctions on Iran.
Defence Diplomacy in West Asia – Outcomes
Having seen some of the concrete initiatives in the defence and security sphere with West Asia, the obvious question is – how has it helped India in its strategic outlook? First and foremost is India’s security. With so much at stake in West Asia like energy imports, diaspora and trade, any instability in the region has a direct impact on India. Also, the threat of terror is a common enemy. Close defence engagement with countries in the region is, therefore, beneficial for India’s security.
Second is the Pakistan factor. With sustained diplomatic efforts and defence outreach, India has been successful in blunting the Pakistan factor and delinking it from its relations with West Asian countries. Unlike in the past when many of these countries were weighed down by ‘Muslim solidarity’ towards Pakistan, most countries have seen through Pakistan’s false narratives and are in sync with India on security issues. China is another factor that has factored in. With every passing month and year, China’s naval outreach in the Indian Ocean region is increasing. With close naval cooperation and basing facilities like in Oman, India would be able to effectively counter any challenge posed by the China factor in future, in its extended neighbourhood.
Protection of sea lanes is yet another important security vector for India and is a direct product of close defence diplomacy in the region. Whether it was the Persian Gulf crisis in June 2019 when the US and Iran came close to a direct conflict, the ongoing war in Gaza or even the threat of piracy in the Red Sea, India due to its military cooperation with the region, has been able to maintain security of its naval assets and secure safe passage for its ships across troubled waters.
In case of conflict in the region, one of the primary responsibilities of the Indian government towards its citizens is the safe evacuation of its people from conflict zones. Once again, like ‘Operation Raahat’ in Yemen in March 2015 or even the Gaza conflict outbreak in October 2023, India could successfully evacuate its citizens due to close coordination between the militaries and political leadership.
Last but not least, one of the major outcomes of very effective defence diplomacy in the region has been the unanimous acceptance of India’s position on terror. On more than one occasion, the countries in the region have strongly supported India in its fight against terror. Whether it was Uri, Pathankot or Pulwama, each of the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar condemned the attacks strongly. The UAE and Bahrain even supported any military action by India to confront, eradicate and fight terrorism, across the border from Pakistan.
One of the major outcomes of a very effective defence diplomacy in the West Asian region has been the unanimous acceptance of India’s position on terror. On more than one occasion, the countries in the region have strongly supported India in its fight against terrorism
Conclusion
Among the various facets of strategic convergence that India has sought with West Asia, security cooperation and therefore defence diplomacy forms a very important vector. India may have been late to take off in this field but in the last decade, it has made up a lot of ground. In a situation where countries in the region are disillusioned by constant conflicts and lack of reliable and effective security partners, India could emerge as a trustworthy and effective partner. The fact that India is a power with no extra-territorial ambitions is widely appreciated in the region. India’s traditional approach to remain non-intrusive, non-judgemental and non-prescriptive and strictly avoid taking sides in intra-regional disputes or exhibiting partiality among regional countries, is acknowledged and appreciated in the region.
As India grows into a global power, in addition to its political weight and economic growth, military strength will be an important factor. For that, while secured borders are important at home, security collaboration with friends and neighbours will be equally important as a part of strategic outreach. Defence diplomacy will therefore be an important instrument of engagement and India will look to build further on its success story in West Asia.
–The writer is a military veteran and West Asia expert. During service, he has been Director in Military Intelligence as well as Director in Ministry of External Affairs. His X handle is @rajeevidsa. The views expressed are of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of Raksha Anirveda
