During his address to the Lok Sabha on March 30, 2026, Union Home Minister Amit Shah declared that India is on the “verge of extinction” regarding Naxalism. Speaking during a debate on the country’s fight against Left-Wing Extremism (LWE), he stated that the shadow of “Red Terror” has been lifted from regions like Bastar, which is now steadily moving towards development. Shah reaffirmed the government’s target to make India completely Naxal-free by March 31, 2026, crediting the combined strategy of aggressive security operations and intensified tribal outreach under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership. He reiterated that while the government is open to dialogue with those who surrender their weapons and seek rehabilitation, those who continue to choose violence will face a firm and decisive response.
For over five decades, the dense forests of Central India echoed with the rhythmic cadence of the “People’s War”. What began in 1967 in a small hamlet in West Bengal evolved into what former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh once called India’s “greatest internal security challenge”. Today, however, the “Red Corridor” is shrinking into a few isolated pockets. The end of Naxalism is no longer a distant dream but a visible horizon. This decline is not merely a triumph of boots on the ground; it is the result of a fundamental shift in strategy—moving from viewing the conflict through a purely militaristic lens to addressing the historical marginalisation of Adivasis through aggressive regional development.
The Shrinking Footprint: Fact-Checking the Decline
The statistics provided by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) tell a compelling story of retreat. In 2010, Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) affected over 200 districts across 10 states. By 2024, that number had plummeted to fewer than 50 districts, with “high-intensity” violence largely confined to just 25. Incidents of LWE violence have dropped by over 73 per cent since their peak in 2010. High-ranking leadership within the CPI (Maoist) is aging or surrendering, struggling to recruit a disillusioned younger generation that increasingly seeks integration over insurrection.
Surrender and Rehabilitation of Maoists
The surge in Maoist surrenders marks a significant shift in India’s internal security, with official data indicating that over 10,000 insurgents have laid down their arms in the last decade. This trend has reached an all-time high recently; in 2025 alone, 2,337 Naxals surrendered, representing a 165 percent jump from the 881 surrenders recorded in 2024. This momentum has continued into early 2026, with more than 630 cadres choosing to reintegrate into mainstream society in just the first three months of the year.
While the sun is setting on Naxalism, the “last mile” remains the most difficult. The core leadership has retreated into the Abujhmad forests—a 3,900 sq. km “unknown hill” where state presence is still skeletal
The Bastar Case Study: From “No-Go Zone” to Growth Engine
Bastar, the scenic yet blood-stained heart of Chhattisgarh, serves as the ultimate litmus test for the end of Naxalism. For years, the Maoists exploited the “governance deficit” here, positioning themselves as the protectors of Jal, Jangal, and Zameen (Water, Forest, and Land). The turning point in Bastar came when the state realised that bullets could kill insurgents, but only bridges could kill the insurgency. The goal was no longer just to silence the guns, but to ensure that the promise of development finally reaches the people the insurgency once claimed to represent.
- Connectivity as a Weapon: The construction of the Pallamaya Bridge and the expansion of National Highway 30 disrupted the Maoists’ tactical advantage. Roads brought the market to the forest, allowing Adivasis to sell minor forest produce (MFP) at fair prices through government-backed cooperatives, bypassing the exploitative middlemen the Naxals once claimed to fight.
- The “Panchayati” Empowerment: The implementation of the PESA Act (Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas) in Bastar has begun returning agency to the Gram Sabhas. When a village elder sees that their council has the power to manage local resources, the Maoist “People’s Court” (Jan Adalat) loses its legitimacy.
- Education over Indoctrination: The Pota Cabins (residential schools) in Dantewada and Sukma have provided a safe haven for thousands of Adivasi children. Education has broken the cycle of recruitment; a youth with a vocational certificate is far less likely to pick up an SLR rifle.
Prioritising Adivasi Rights: The Core of the Solution
The survival of Naxalism was always predicated on the “Adivasi grievance”. The movement thrived where the state was absent and industry was exploitative. The current decline is directly proportional to the correction of these historical wrongs.
- Forest Rights Act (FRA): The proactive distribution of land titles (Patta) to tribal households has been a game-changer. In districts like Kanker and Narayanpur, giving legal land ownership to Adivasis removed the primary propaganda tool used by Maoists to incite rebellion against the state.
- Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT): The digital revolution has reached the jungle. Schemes like PM-Kisan and wages under the Viksit Bharat-Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025 (commonly referred to as VB-G RAM G), are now transferred directly to bank accounts. This transparency has eroded the “parallel economy” of extortion that the Naxals operated for decades.
Regional Development: Breaking the Geographical Trap
Regional disparity was the fuel for the Naxal fire. The government’s Aspirational Districts Programme has specifically targeted LWE-hit zones, pouring resources into healthcare, nutrition, and infrastructure. In the past, the lack of infrastructure was a Maoist strategy—they blew up mobile towers and dug up roads to keep the police out.
Forcing a monolithic urban model onto Adivasi lands risks a “neo-Naxalism” born of cultural alienation. The development must be “by the Adivasis, for the Adivasis,” focusing on sustainable tourism, organic forest products, and decentralised solar energy
However, the “Security-Development” pincer move has changed the math. The establishment of Forward Operating Bases (FOBs) serves a dual purpose: they provide security for road construction crews while doubling as civic action centres where locals can access basic medical care and clean water.
Takeaways
While the sun is setting on Naxalism, the “last mile” remains the most difficult. The core leadership has retreated into the Abujhmad forests—a 3,900 sq. km “unknown hill” where state presence is still skeletal. Furthermore, development must remain culturally sensitive. Forcing a monolithic urban model onto Adivasi lands risks a “neo-Naxalism” born of cultural alienation. The development must be “by the Adivasis, for the Adivasis,” focusing on sustainable tourism, organic forest products, and decentralised solar energy.
The end of Naxalism is being written not in the barracks of the CRPF, but in the classrooms of Sukma and the marketplaces of Bastar. By prioritising the Adivasi as a partner in progress rather than a subject of “civilising,” India is successfully dismantling the ideological scaffolding of the Maoist movement. As the “Red Corridor” transforms into a “Development Corridor,” the ultimate victory will be marked by the day Adivasis youth in the deepest reaches of Chhattisgarh feels more empowered by their voter ID cards than by guerrilla’s guns.
–The writer is Assistant Professor, ICFAI School of Liberal Arts, ICFAI University, Jaipur. The views expressed are of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of Raksha Anirveda
